Race Relations In The New World Essays - , Term Papers

Race Relations In The New World Race Relations in the New World The British colonies in North America were not societies that valued or expected equality. They conquered Native American land without any payment for it and they used African Americans as slaves. By the end of the 17th century and the beginning of the 18th century, the standard norm for the British included vicious warfare with the Native Americans and enslavement of the African Americans. These practices became the standard norm as a result of carelessness and perhaps fear of change on the part of the British. Early British settlements in North America established first contact between the British and the Native Americans. Almost twenty years after the mysterious disappearance of the colonists who settled at Roanoke, the British settled In the Chesapeake Bay area in the early 17th century. They called it Jamestown in honor of their king, James I. Shortly after settling in Jamestown, a group of about two hundred Native Americans attacked the British because the British were trying to exploit Native American labor and wealth. The British saw nothing wrong with holding a peaceful social state but at the same time using Native Americans as a cheap form of labor. Although the Native Americans had supplied the British with food and other vital necessities, tensions still persisted. The British and the Native Americans interacted very often in trade surroundings, but the failure of each group to understand and accept the other group's culture prevented any lasting cooperation between the two grou ps. Simple misunderstandings during a trade agreement could turn into violent confrontations as a result of the large difference in culture and beliefs. In March 1622, one Native American by the name of Opechancanough planned a surprise attack on Jamestown. Intending to wipe out the whole colony, his plan was only partially successful as a result of British retaliation which killed more Native Americans than they did British. After retaliation by the British, the Native Americans mounted their last major act of armed resistance. This failed due to British awareness, preparedness, and superiority over the Native Americans. After peace was restored, the Native American population in the Chesapeake Bay area was down from eight thousand to two thousand. Later conflict between the Native Americans and the British occurred in 1676 when an English planter named Nathaniel Bacon organized an unauthorized force in Virginia to drive the Native Americans farther west. Bacon and his followers were frustrated that all the best tobacco land had already been taken by the wealthy and decided to drive the Indians west and settle on that land. Bacon's army consisted of other angry Virginian planters who wanted more land so they could grow more tobacco. When the British sent an army to stop Bacon, he reversed his aim and instead went after Jamestown. The sudden death of Bacon while trying to escape an attack from the British army put an end to one of America's first violent protest movements. One result of this rebellion was that it strengthened the elite group of the wealthy planters and government officials. They also realized that indentured servants would not be a reliable source of labor and that they needed enslaved people to work for them. T hey needed human beings who would never have a chance at freedom, own land, or protest the government. Bacon's rebellion also severed British relations with the Native Americans. The conflict between the British and the Native Americans broke into open hostility and as a result, King Philip's War. King Philip's War began around 1675 in the New England area. The two groups had hoped trade would ease the tensions but in the 1670's the peace came to an end. The English continued to destroy forests, put up fences, and create pastures for their cattle. This threatened the livelihood of the Native Americans, who lived by hunting game, gathering plants for food, and growing crops. This meant that Native Americans needed almost twenty times the amount of land per person as the English needed. Minor disagreements over land disputes between a Native American leader, Metacom (known as King Philip to the settlers) and the people of Plymouth began the war. These minor disputes lead

Different Developments in the British Sociology of Education

Different Developments in the British Sociology of Education Up until recently, education was only accessible to only those who could afford it: The upper middle class and some few people from the middle class group. As it is currently evident, education stands out as one among the key commodities that every person must possess to cope with the ever-changing world.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Different Developments in the British Sociology of Education specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More As a result and especially in Britain, there are remarkable developments that are evident in the British sociology of education, as this essay will reveal. There is little doubt that being educated is a great life changing practice. Education as a social institution changes the society. This report will examine the structuralist, interactionist, and postmodernism perspectives of education in Britain (Bank 2011). This will help to explore the purpose of formal education in the contemporary Bri tish society. An essential legislation with regard to the education policy in the United Kingdom is the 1870 Education Act (Haralambos, Holborn 2000). This act is the first official legislation that specifically addressed the British education policy. More importantly, this law portrays the commitment of the government to education nationwide (Haralambos, Holborn 2000). This legislation allowed voluntary schools to continue unaffected. However, it established an education system of management, School Boards, which constructed schools and managed them in places that they were needed (Haralambos, Holborn 2000). The role of introducing free compulsory education was to prevent child labour, to ensure that all Britons had the basic education, to ensure sustainability of the British workforce, and for Britain to continue leading in development issues. Legislations that govern education have continued to change to manage education policies. In 1918, they placed the management of seconda ry education under the Fisher Education Act.Advertising Looking for essay on education? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More This act made school attendance compulsory for children up to the age of 14 years (Haralambos, Holborn 2000). The age to leave school went up to 15 years in 1947. In 1972, it went to 16 years. Expansion of schools to ensure more skilled workforce accompanied these changes. In this essay, I give special focus on two important things. The first is the role of education in the United Kingdom. There are several points of view when addressing the functions of education in any society and its implications. Second, will be the question as to why it happens that some social groups seem to be enjoying more education success in relation to others (Haralambos, Holborn 2000). Going back to the functionalist perspective, there are two issues that the theory seeks to address. First, it addresses the functions o f education in the society. Putting into consideration the functionalist perspective of need of the social system, the issue leads to the analysis of the contributions that education has made in creation of value and social harmony (Haralambos, Holborn 2000, p. 726). Second, the functional relationships that education has with other social systems. This results in assessment of the connection between the economic system and education, and contemplation of how these relationship, help in integration of the society as a whole (Haralambos, Holborn 2000). In the beginning of the 20th century, schools grew to become major societal institutions. Sociologists since then focused incessant, concerted effort towards comprehension of the structure and the impact this had on society (Arum, et al. 2010). Sociologists of the 21st century, Max Weber, John Meyer, James Coleman, and Pierre Bourdieu among others have developed theoretical frameworks for education. Whereas some researchers concentra ted on economic aspects of education, others concentrated on the associated issues of socialization. For studies in sociology of education, these differences are very important. Education is a very important social investment. It has a very huge role in the society. Whether, a person looks at it pessimistically or optimistically, there is a range of perspectives that are important for understanding for instance, structuralism, post-modern and interractionism. These perspectives are important in defining the function of formal education in contemporary British society.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Different Developments in the British Sociology of Education specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Structuralist theory has three perspectives: the functionalist, feminism, and Marxism. Though functionalist theory application has greatly reduced sociological importance in Britain, for over two decades, it had already made re markable influence on Britain’s educational policy. Thus, it played an important role of shaping the current education system and this should not be underestimated. The design of the British education teaches competition, consensus and success based on merit (Bradley, et al. 2001). From the functionalist perspective, there are two important aspects in the role of education namely institutional relationship and subsequent connection to the larger society. In this regard, therefore, emphasis is on the way education connects outer institutions like workplaces. As intricate as the modern social system, the education system is a link between institutions in a number of ways (Bradley, et al. 2001). Firstly, at institutional level, the systems must have human resource management strategies for doctors, managers, police, and accountants among other professionals. It would make no sense if the system produces many employees yet the government cannot find demand for them (Bradley, et a l. 2001). Secondly, on the individual level, education systems offer an agency of secondary socialization. Secondary socialization -this describes a process of emancipating students from primary attachment to their families to workplace roles. This concept of education helps in connecting childhood to adulthood. Schools offer a range of secondary socialization opportunities, abilities and means (Bradley, et al. 2001). When people grow up, most of their relationships take the form of ‘give and take’ where they form allies based on what they can do for them in return for some other favours. This relationship is not similar to affective association between people in close friendship. Meritocracy – this concept is a reflection of reward of ideas like jobs, better pay and high social status earned because of efforts and capabilities (Dewey 1997). Efforts and capabilities include hard work in school and acquired academic credentials instead of the allotted based on con nection and family links.Advertising Looking for essay on education? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Merit based education system are also naturally competitive since different degrees of reward for different heights of academic attainment makes students want to continually prove themselves for the reward (Bourdieu 1986). In the contemporary Britain system of education, like rewards relating to academic qualifications (for instance, A-levels and GCSE) in turn allow students to be eligible for entry into certain job types. Meritocracy functions well when equality of opportunity prevails. This means that no disadvantaged parties face discrimination or the depriving of their opportunity to express their worth (Bourdieu 1986). Differential rewards for different levels of achievement are reasonable as long as the competition offers equal access to opportunities. Functionalist view also allows children to learn the acceptable and unacceptable conduct in the society. Students hence gain self-control. This includes deferred gratification (opposite of immediate reward) as well as internaliz ation of certain societal values and norms (Powers, Wojtkiewicz 2004). Besides secondary socialization, there is coordination of human resources, which connect to the larger society, and it includes things that prepare students for different future careers and social differentiation since different individuals are good at difference roles in the society (Powers, Wojtkiewicz 2004). The post-structuralism is not easy to characterise since it is very diverse. Most of its representations do not take the form that allows characterization of any kind (Cole 2008). The post-structuralism and post-modernism have a wider array of interpretations (Bank 2011). The post structural views on the United Kingdom’s education are harder to categorise as well (Bank 2011). Post-structuralism describes cultural changes that happen in the modern world (Cole 2008). Post modernist views do not have a specified perception as such on the part of function of education since that would mean a question of right or wrong. That might spark competition between two ideologies and tension. Modern institutions like schools fall under this theory especially those that developed out of the industrial revolution and emergence of the contemporary society (Cole 2008). As a result, they exist for certain causes all of which Foucault describes as being because of power. The power doctrine in this context relates to how modern Britain attempts to exert social control by use of educational institutions. The post-modernism aspect of this theory is that there is â€Å"a resistance and decentralization attitudes of students and educators to the tendency of contemporary education system to centralize issues† (Bank 2011, p. 78). The national curriculum is an example of the means the state used to take control by setting out what is worth teaching in schools. The interpretivist theory notes that, for one to comprehend the phenomenon, the entire system must be analysed. From this viewpoint, one can declare interperetivism better than positivism as it targets understanding as a whole, as Neill points out (Neill 2006). In order to understand the problems in the education system, one can only understand the real problems when we address the entire education system. This has seen the theory address issues ranging from curriculum, function of education, educators, students, and government participation. This theory offers answers to anything that education should have critically addressed (Tozer, Violas Senese 2002). Marxist perspective has not been dominant in the Britain’s government policies – this barely surprises because Britain has been critical of capitalist societies. Expanding further the Marxist perspective for the function of education in the capitalist society identifies several ideas (Rikowski 1999). Althusser (1971) did not simply address ‘cultural reproduction’ in the society and how it related to the problem of societies replacing its elf over time (transfer of cultural values to the next generation) rather, he also discussed how the dominant social class managed to stay in control by reproducing its social and political power (Althusser 1971). He argues that one of the most efficient ways of controlling is through education. Thus, education is an instrument of class suppression and domination. He however included other institutions like media and religion to seem fair. Today, the ruling class limit access to education by restricting or regulating the subjects that are included in the curriculum (Taylor, Smithers 2005). The higher students advance in education, the wider the access to knowledge base (Apple 1995). This helps to restrict students’ ambitions and expectations. The fact that education has a structure that appears in a way that it has different levels of qualifications facilitates restriction. In many cases, in the British curriculum, students have to prove their capabilities to handle the chal lenges of the next step in their education through sitting for transitional examinations. These examinations act as selection instruments that pick only those capable of making it to the next level. According to the Marxists, this is entirely in place strategically as a plot to justify the oppression that befalls those unable to proceed further in their studies as those that the system favours use them as menial labourers. In addition, there is theory versus practical knowledge. Schools help to institute social control where students learn respect for authorities. The attainment of commoditization of education makes it more expansive as it is possible to custom it to some level (Apple 1995). By having examinations as part of education, schooling receives monetary value. Hence, there is the possibility of selling education. With the contemporary system of education in Britain favouring commercialized education, capitalists are taking advantage of this scenario to oppress the masses t hat are in search of skills to better their situations. With the school owners being the owners of the means of production, the educational facility, rather than serving its function of freeing the people from ignorance further, oppresses people by taking all that they had. Cultural reproduction is a concept based on secondary socialization but with a new look. Marxists like Althusser argue that, the reproduction of capitalism occurs via education to next generations. The reason is that future generations have to acquire life skills to enable them to take up positions in the workforce (Althusser 1971). The new look here is that schools cannot just select, allot and differentiate students for these roles even through public examination is in the interest of the society. This puts education on the spot as not being meritocratic (Marx 1977). The role of education is to facilitate children from powerful class to attain education level that would allow them to work as professionals. The trick here is â€Å"to educate many children ‘just enough’ to qualify as useful worker and few, ‘more than enough’ to qualify for high-powered jobs† (Bourdieu, 1977, p.85). Cultural reproduction theory explains why there is relatively low to lack of mobility at the lower-class levels in the British society. Education in this case, therefore, only serves in the interest of the ruling class in that only the children from the ruling classes receive the best form of education that would enable them to rule over the others in the lower social classes. With the current education systems in Britain only granting free education on the lower levels of the system and then very expensive education in the higher levels, according to the Marxists, the system is destined to fail just as the capitalist rule in the world. Bowles and Gintis (2002) and Willis (2003) cite cultural reproduction as the ideology leading to elite self-recruitment making the top players to close mobility for the lower class. Though the main focus of the feminist educational research has not changed significantly over the past two decades, its emphasis has slightly shifted from the vague explanations as to why girls’ performance is poor compared to boys’ (reason being they don’t anymore) to explanations of how girls cope with school and workplace obstacle -mainly prejudice based on gender (Bourdieu 1977). This subtle shift should not imply that historically feminist theory’s impact on Britain’s education was insignificant. Its study remains relevant for explaining the differences in higher education choice of courses and career choices too (Blanden, Machin 2004). Feminist impact on modern British education is on socialization, hidden curriculum and the societal norms. Different socialization experiences and subsequent varied social expectation between male and females, direct them to different gender identities and role performance. The education system in the past contributed to the way women perceived their primary role in the family as wives and mothers. Despite the seemingly widened female horizons, feminist argue the traditional mindsets about masculinity and femininity still affects family and work relationships (McKenzie 1997). Feminist perspective is reflected in sociology of education in two ways – work and gender stereotypes. There is a consistent sidelining of women at the work place regardless of their academic credentials. Treneman (1998) has shown that statistical under-performance in schools does not match the statistical over-achievement of men at workplaces. The differences are evident in their earnings. In Britain, it remains illegal to pay women and men different wages for the same job or comparable jobs (Treneman 1998). This was effective following the passing of the equal pay act of 1970. However, women still earn averagely 17.2% less per hour, Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (20 06) revealed. Women graduates get less payments right from the very beginning when they join employment (McKenzie 1997). Gender stereotyping, on the other hand, stands out in career aspirations from school. Warrington and Younger (2000, p.495) noted men and women chose careers based on stereotypes for or against them. Women tended to focus on secretarial jobs, caregivers, nursing, and hairdressing, men in the other hand tended to pursue plumbing, accounting etc (Powers, Wojtkiewicz, 2004). Gordon (1996) says that teachers in Britain focused more attention on boys as they seemed interesting to teach, though they frequently praised girls for their efforts. The equal opportunities Commission (2007) argue that girls’ education credentials do not necessarily help them to attain well-paying jobs. Roger and Duffield have identified several causes of the tendency to avoid sciences among girls. Primary socialization ingrains certain gender identity concepts in boys and girls (Roger Duffield, 2000). Reay (2001) showed a variety of female identities that developed from the primary classroom. The most interesting is that girls wanted to be like boys. In primary, most teachers are female, about 90% (Reay 2001). In the early childhood education level, for instance, it has been on the record that more women teach at the preparatory schools than men have. One can attribute this to the stereotypes on women as being better placed to watch children as they grow than men. They exemplify the role model concept, which connects gender, and work hence building this notion in students (Feinstein, 2003). Besides, career advisers from early ages have a propensity of reinforcing traditional men/women roles and separation of tasks (Roger Duffield, 2000). Lauder et al. (2009) looks through the history of British sociology of education since 1950s to the current system. They explain how the main audience for research has changed from the policy creators in 1970s to teachers in tod ay’s system, Shain and Ozga share similar sentiments. They argue that, â€Å"the close association with teachers and education was an important factor in causing a shift of the sociology of education from the mainstream sociology† (2001, p. 110). This was part of the paradigm shift from mere tutoring to training – this meant that sociologists of education in effect lost most of their followers and audience. As Shain, and Ozga (2001, p.114) point out, â€Å"A dramatic cultural turn from the old socialization theories to the more flexible accounts of identity, together with the shift towards new policies in 1990s and 2000s shows that whereas the concept of social justice remained, there was no central audience for the sociology of education†. Lauder et al (2009, p.580) argues that the severe nature of the sociology of education made the discipline unpleasant. This also means it was challenging to the policy makers and educators. A wider, more applicable, in terdisciplinary, and pedagogically determined faculty of education studies was developed to realise the need of practice and policy (James 2010). These primarily targeted problem solving instead of criticising the systems. This was characteristic of previous theories and an inspiration for evidence based practice regulation (James 2010 Shain, Ozga 2001). Whereas the traditional sociology of education in Britain has successfully allowed incorporation of its concepts in other fields, its current availability to maintain dialogue with such workers and decision makers is greatly compromised (James, 2010). Most researches in sociology of education focus on explaining why some social groups tend to attain higher education more easily than others do (Blanden, Machin, 2004). Experts measure education level achievement in terms of academic qualifications. More attention is placed on the differences existing between the social classes (high, middle and lower), on the gender (boys and girls) and sometimes ethnic groups. Attempts to explain this uses the interactionist concept. The differential achievements studied so far show that factors that the students have no control over affect their progress in education, for instance, social background and intelligence (Machin, Vignoles 2004). However, the most obvious place where one can find explanations in the education system itself. The previous approaches explaining differences in performance did not address schooling itself. The scholars then partially assumed that schools played a crucial role in the determination of educational success or failure. Families that could afford paying for education spent large amounts of money paying for their children’s education in fee-paying institutions (Machin, Vignoles 2004). The main reason for parents to do this was that they believed that such schools as opposed to free public school offered the best education hence an advantage to their children. This, however, never hap pened as hoped. Despite these schools, social class inequality remains this has shifted focus on the studying of the differential treatment of students even when they attend same schools (Blanden, Machin 2004). For Marxists, British education system is an ideological instrument of the government (Rikowski 1999). That means education serves in disseminating the upper class or ruling class ideologies. Education creates myths and its existence promotes incongruous ideas. This is similar to the arguments presented by Louis Althusser, one of the staunch French Marxists (Althusser 1971). Accordingly, Althusser (1971) claims that, no class can be able to stay in power forever exclusively using threats. Therefore, ideology offers the most efficient tool for attaining long-term control. Educational facilities such as schools serve as places to teach ideologies that aim at brainwashing the students and justifying the oppressive systems. In these institutions, students learn taught never to q uestion the authorities even when the decisions of such authorities are not in their favour. Marxists are of the believe that educational system and facilities are only important when they are involved in highlighting the masses and giving them the necessary knowledge of their oppressed conditions and the hope that one day they will overcome the oppression. When the state is able to control what people think, it can then control what they do, hence making this the downright type of control. Education systems have taken over religion as the major agent of disseminating ideologies, which is a prerequisite for maintaining capitalist economic structure (Althusser 1971). It is evident that the higher your family’s social class, the higher you would probably attain education qualification and the longer you stay in school (Willis 1977). Class still determined where one ended up in most of the cases. The education system propagates the concept, nonetheless, that success is mainly du e to hard work and intelligence (White 1990). According to people like Althusser who upheld the Marxist view of education, education systems in this way deprive the students of the knowledge that they can still succeed even in the absence of the education offered in classroom. This is a fallacy according to Althusser (1971), as it aims at killing the hopes to succeed for the students who are naturally lazy or not intelligent. This targets making them to be quiet observers of their destiny, as the society turns against them and starts oppressing them. Status attainment studies in general supports the individual and personal collective benefits when individuals attain higher educational levels (Dale 2009). From the policy point of view, the social challenge or social concern is expansion of the educational opportunities and promotion of greater efficiency in schools and universities. Opponents of the status attainment paradigm nonetheless dispute the reliability and legitimacy of scho ols as mechanism of dissemination of social resource and promotion of socio-economic welfare, at least as they are currently operating. Even though sociologists continue to debate the purpose and function of education, most agree that education gives students the qualifications and opportunities for survival in the job market (Dale 2009). Addressing policies pertaining to school choices, curriculum and finance is important. Britain is said to be a capitalist society therefore it justifies social inequality especially wealth, opportunity to access resources and power (Blanden, Machin 2004). If ever a person questions these inequalities, as well as the way people manifest them, then that could result in erosion and replacement of the capitalist economies. One can prevent such a situation by promoting the ideology that inequalities are acceptable. Education system in the UK makes inequality more socially right by spreading the myth that education provided equal opportunity to everyone (Blanden, Machin, 2004). Is there any response from the British government? Today in Britain, all children are entitled to state education. The argument is therefore that, those who attain the best qualifications qualify for top jobs and that they deserve success because they are brilliant and more hardworking than classmates who did not perform as well as they did (White 1990). Education fosters this viewpoint leading people to think that they fall along such classes simply because they exist. Bowles and Gintis (2002) identify that chances of educational prowess were closely linked to the class the family student comes from. Children from rich families stayed longer in schools and performed better. The evidence that educational qualification is proportional to intelligence is at stake with such perceptions. Research truly shows that students with higher IQs performed better in relation to those with average IQs. Rich families can also afford other educational resources for their children like textbooks, which have been growing very expensive each day (Machin, Vignoles 2004). Students can be able to access a computer and internet and a printer, which could play a big role in how they handle their homework and their knowledge base as well as enhance creativity. Despite what the teacher may say, the style of presenting school assignments is important just as the content of the assignments (Machin, Vignoles 2004). According to Bowles Gintis (2002), the relationship between intelligence and academic achievement is not a casual one. Intelligence does not necessarily determine academic prowess Bowles and Gintis (2002). Education ideology promotes specific values that function to ensure the continuation of capitalism. The ideology therein consists, not only of certain distorted beliefs, but also promotes functions, which work to preserve the status quo. One of these values prevalent in Britain is competition (Bradley, et al., 1997). Education offers a platform f or competing with educators as judges. These competitions have also incorporated sports where students participate in sports like rugby, and football (Bradley, et al., 1997). In any case, where there are two opposing ideas, there is also bound to be winners and losers. This happens because each side would try to outsmart the opponent. The UK’s education also fosters another ideology, which is socialization as mentioned in preceding paragraphs. Much of what people know came from education in schools and colleges. However, only certain things that the state wants students to know are included in the curriculum. Therefore, people should not see it as coming from teachers as reactionary outcomes because they are middle class (Carchedi 1975) even though most are, but because they teach a curriculum designed by the government. The government dictates teaching. Therefore, even though teachers may which to teach socialism, anarchy, and negative consequences of free enterprise structu res, they cannot risk it (Machin, Vignoles 2004). In terms of the material wealth, the effect on education is profound and it evidently plays a crucial role in education prowess. A rich parent can afford to take his/her children to good fee-paying schools despite how undeserving the children maybe. With good schools, they have an assurance of academic prowess (Machin, Vignoles 2004). It is rumoured that in Britain, the ‘Toffs’ normally have their examinations marked more leniently that their counterparts from state schools. Whether true or false, the standards of teaching are certainly higher in the public schools compared to the poorly financed comprehensive schools with demoralized staff (Machin, Vignoles 2004). Even in cases where parents cannot fully afford to pay for their children’s education in public schools, they can hire private tutors to subsidize for the comprehensive education. When this tuition took place with teacher paying close attention to th e students and over a long period, it brings out better results of academic success. One of the areas that concerned the policymakers in the UK was the general lack of basic skills among its workforce, particularly younger employees. The government responded to this problem by the introduction of standardized national curriculum for all students between ages 7 and 16 years (Provenzo, 2002, p.65). This was set to make sure that the students had minimum depth and breadth of the curriculum. In the 1990s, there was the introduction of another policy to ensure students were very qualified in terms of basic skills. This policy, referred to as numeracy and literacy policy, described how the primary school teachers should teach (National Literacy Trust 2004). It stipulated a minimum of one hour every day to be set for numeracy and literacy. The evidence of these policy reforms is not ample. The national evaluation of the national curriculum has been impossible. In terms of literacy, the stu dents graduating since then have improved reading ability and English prowess (Ryan, Bohlin 1999). The other important policy relies on the relatively small number of students persisting in education past 16 years and therefore less number of students graduating from second and third levels compared to other developed countries. Britain introduced two educational policies to increase the number students participating in post compulsory education (Clark, et al., 2005). The first policy was Vocational qualifications for entry job for new employees designed based on national vocational qualification. The second policy for this was maintenance allowance paid to students aged 16 to 19 (Dixit 2002) from disadvantaged background to encourage their continued participation in fulltime education (Clark, et al., 2005). Another important policy subjected to reform is higher education. Traditionally, British higher education had been a preserve for few people in the higher social class (Blanden , Machin 2004). Even though enrolment in higher education has increased considerably over the past few years, the low class is still under-represented, as their enrolment remains low. The policy seeks to expand the higher education opportunities further to increase access to encompass the previously under-represented social classes (Blanden, Machin 2004). Durkheim’s theories have had a critical impact on the modern sociology and education. Durkheim’s viewpoint has been that the contemporary schools have placed attention on building individuals and less attention on the roles and responsibilities that these individuals should perform towards group life (Durkheim, Emirbaye, 2003). In order to attain dignity, an individual has to attain a sense of competence, a sense of contributing to something and of getting appreciation from the society where he/she belongs. There needs to be changes in curriculum that will address these feelings. Critics have declared Durkheim†™s views as far from clear that Modern education in Britain has been effective in transmitting shared values, promoting personal discipline, and reinforcing social solidarity (Durkheim, Emirbaye 2003). Politically, the social gap that the education in Britain has not been able to bridge has received the policy concern from all the three major political parties. All these parties have been involved in the important discussions as to whether the education system as it is has played any significant role in the effort to bridge the social gap or it has simply been an impediment to social mobility and meritocracy(Chevalier Dolton 2005). There are several discoveries made though about the reasons why the education system has failed the test of time in ensuring greater engagement in education from the working class. These include the realization that the curriculum has been enforced to the people in what is called the top- down approach whereby no sufficient research was conducted to i dentify the most felt needs of the people that could possibly be addressed by the system of education (Apple, 1995). There are differing contexts that require unique treatment as realized through research conducted by several interested parties in the field. Because of this, most political debates that handled the topic of the effectiveness of the education system in Britain lie on the need to have a system that uniquely encourages the participation of students and eventually helps them in the process or at the end of the day (Shilling 1993). Gillborn and Mirza (2000) argue that outcomes of many research studies conducted on this areas clearly point on the fact that academic prowess among British children is majorly connected to the occupations, wealth and influence of the parents. This impacts to slowed class mobility as it is hard for students from the working class to compete with others on a level ground, as they are disadvantaged. According to the National Literacy Trust (2004) , in some areas of Britain that are termed as disadvantaged, up to 50% of children reach the school going years without the required and necessary communication and language skills. The Education secretary in a recent remark that triggered a lot of criticism directed to him, is recorded as saying to a Commons education committee that kids from rich families who are considerably thicker tend to perform much better that others from the poor families who are clever even before they attain the school going age. Though most of those criticizing his remarks termed the language as unprofessionally blunt and emotive, there is indispensable truth in his words as far as the connection between poverty and underperformance is concerned. Social democrats, for instance, are convinced that it is only through the intervention of the government that education will be of benefit to everyone. According to Crozier (2000), they constantly push the government to exercise control over the free market that result to inequalities in the education sector. They in this manner totally disagree with their counterparts the functionalists who are of the argument that the education system in place in Britain encourages the genuine spirit of equal opportunity. As Gillborn and Mirza (2000) point out, â€Å" To the social democrat, education in this sense fails to offer equal opportunities to the children from the lower social classes as compared to those in the upper social classes†. Social democratic theorists argue that, if run properly, the education systems can, at the end of the day, produce better results as far as achieving social equality is concerned. Although the educational success in Britain majorly depends upon the social class background of the students, it cannot attain social mobility at any degree according to the Labour party politician Antony Crosland (Crozier, 2000). Education is supposed to ensure that the society is more meritocratic and therefore enable one to att ain his potential and eventually contribute to the overall development of the society. However, this is not the case in British education as the system is constantly shifting from the intentions that led to its development (Archer, 2007). The social democrats are in this view also opposed to the functionalists who are very contented that the education system in place in Britain is serving its functions. These arguments constantly spark open-ended discussions in the political arena as far as the education of the British population is concerned. Nonetheless, the stance of the social democrats and the theorists who support these arguments does not escape criticism based on the recorded evidence that proves that the education system is in a way working towards the increase in equal opportunities and social mobility. One might ask, is there anything to boast about concerning the education system in Britain? Whether or not the education system in Britain and its positive developments over time have achieved anything in contributing to the growth of the economy has been a discussion in the political field since the days of the labour prime minister; James Callaghan in 1976. In his speech at Ruskin College that particular year, Callaghan pointed out that the education system was failing in that it did not meet Britain’s’ industry needs. The criticism on the effectiveness of education continued further with the election into office of Margaret Thatcher in 1979. This made the debate even more heated as the conservative right thinkers were of the opinion that the efforts to enforce equality of opportunity and also the liberal ideals in the existing education system was a blow to the education sector since they were degrading its value and standards (Bourdieu, 1977). These efforts in their view were holding back the most talented in an effort to provide a basis of equality, which was a blow to the standards of education in Britain. All the social education t heorists, as well as politicians, however, share a similar assumption in their arguments on the developments and effectiveness in the British education system that it should work to the benefit of the society as a whole (Gillborn Mirza, 2000). Despite the fact that some critique the manner the education policies are implemented, they all share the hope that the existing education system can in a way be modified to the greater good and to ensure the realization of a society determined by merit either inside or outside the class environment. The government and the different parties may have their differing opinions on the effectiveness of the education sector. By focusing on the function it plays on economic growth and its sustenance, they have to unite since the repercussions affect the nation equally without discriminating the rich or the poor (Apple, 1995). References Althusser, L., 1971. Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses in Louis Althusser Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays. Monthly Review Press. Available at marxists.org/reference/archive/althusser/1970/ideology.htm. Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings., 2007. Gender Pay Gap Narrowest Since Records Began. Oxford: Office for National Statistics. Apple, M., 1995. Education and Power. London: Ark Paperbacks. Archer, L., 2007. Social justice in schools: Engaging with equality, in J. Dillon and M. Maguire (eds), Becoming a teacher: Issues in secondary teaching, Berkshire: Open University Press. Arum, R., Beattie, I., Ford, K., 2010. The Structure of Schooling: Readings in the Sociology of Education. New York: McGraw Hill. Bank, B., 2011. Gender and Higher Education. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Blanden, J., Machin, S., 2004. â€Å"Educational Inequality and the Expansion of UK Higher Education†. Scottish Journal of Political Economy, Special Issue on the Economics of Education, 54(1), pp. 230-49. Bourdieu, P., 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge, Eng: Cambridge Un iversity Press. Bourdieu, P., 1986. The Forms of Capital in Richardson, John (Ed). Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. Westport: Greenwood Press. Bowles, H., Gintis, S., 2002. â€Å"Schooling In Capitalist America Revisited†. Sociology of Education, 75(2), pp. 1-18. Bradley, S., Johnes, L., Millington, J., 2001. â€Å"School Choice, Competition And The Efficiency Of Secondary Schools In England†. European Journal Of Operational Research, 135(6), pp. 527-544. Carchedi, G., 1975. â€Å"On The Economic Identification of the New Middle Class†. Economy Society, 4(1), pp.1-69. Chevalier, A., Dolton, P., 2005. The Labour Market for Teachers. What’s the Good of Education? The Economics of Education in the United Kingdom. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Clark, D., Conlon, G., Galindo-Rueda, F., 2005. Post-Compulsory Education and Qualification Attainment. What’s The Good of Education? The Economics of Education. The U nited Kingdom: Princeton University Press. Cole, M., 2008. Marxism and EducationTheory: Origins and Issues. London: Routledge. Crozier, G., 2000. Parents and Schools: Partners or Protagonists? Stoke-on-Trent and  Britain. Britain: Stylus Publishing, Trentham Books. Dale, R., 2009. â€Å"Renewing or Rupturing the Sociology of Education?† British Journal of Sociology of Education, 30(3), pp. 379–387. Dewey, J., 1997. Experience and education. New York: Touchstone Books. Dixit, A., 2002. â€Å"Incentives and Organizations in the Public Sector†. Journal of Human Resources, 37(3), pp. 696-727. Durkheim, É. Emirbaye, M., 2003. Émile Durkheim: Sociologist of Modernity. Malde: Wiley Blackwell. Feinstein, L., 2003. â€Å"Inequality in the Early Cognitive Development of British Children in the 1970 Cohort†. Economica, 70(1), pp. 73-97. Gillborn, D., Mirza, H., 2000. Educational Inequality: Mapping race, class and gender, London: HMI. Haralambos, M Holb orn, H. 2000. Sociology. Perspectives and Perspectives. London: Collins Educational James, D., 2010. â€Å"Theory and Educational Research: Toward Critical Social Explanation†. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 31(2), pp. 243–248. Lauder, H., Brown, P., Halsey, A., 2009. â€Å"Sociology of Education: A Critical History and Prospects for the Future†. Oxford Review of Education, 35(5), pp. 569–585. Machin, S., Vignoles, A., 2004. â€Å"Educational Inequality: The Widening Socio-Economic Gap†. Fiscal Studies, 25(1), pp. 107-28. MacKenzie, J., 1997. Its A Mans World: Class And Gender In School Work Experience Programmes. Spotlight No. 60. Edinburgh: Scottish Council for Research in Education. Marx, K., 1977. Capital: A Critique of Political Econom. London: Lawrence Wishart. National Literacy Trust., 2004. The structure of the literacy hour. Available at literacytrust.org.uk/Database/Primary/lithour.html#structure . Neill, J., 2006. Analysis of professional literature class 6: Assumptions of Interpretivism. Available at http://wilderdom.com/OEcourses/PROFLIT/Class6Qualitative1.htm . Parsons, T., 1959. â€Å"The School Class as a Social System: Some of Its Functions in American Society†. Harvard Educational Review, 29(4), pp. 297-318. Powers, R., Wojtkiewicz, R., 2004. â€Å"Occupational Aspirations, Gender, and Educational Attainment†. Sociological Spectrum 24(5), pp. 601-622. Provenzo, E., 2002. Teaching, Learning, Ad Schooling: A 21st Century Perspective. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Reay, D., 2001. â€Å"Spice Girls’, ‘Nice Girls’, ‘Girlies’, And ‘Tomboys’: Discourses, Girls’ Cultures And Femininities In The Primary Classroom†. Gender and Education, 13(2), pp. 153-162. Rikowski, G., 1999. Nietzsche, Marx, and Mastery: The Learning unto Death. In Apprenticeship, Towards a New Paradigm of Learning. London: Routledge. Roger, A., Duffield, J., 2 000. â€Å"Factors Underlying Persistent Gendered Option Choices in School Science and Technology in Scotland†. Gender and Education, 12(3), pp. 369-381. Ryan, K., Bohlin, K., 1999. Building Character in Schools. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers. Shain, F., Ozga, J., 2001. â€Å"Identity Crisis? Problems and Issues in the Sociology of Education†. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 22(1), pp. 109-120. Shilling, C., 1993. â€Å"The Demise of Sociology of Education in Britain? : Voicing Concerns: Sociological Perspectives on Contemporary Education Reforms by Madeleine Arnot Len Barton†. British Journal of Sociology of Education, 14(1), pp. 105-112. Taylor, M., Smithers, R., 2005. New Academy Schools Fuel Education Row. The Guardian. Available at guardian.co.uk/uk_news/story/0,1562665,00.html . Tozer, S., Violas, P., Senese, G., 2002. School and society: Historical and contemporary perspectives (4th Ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. Treneman, A., 1998. W ill The Boys Who Can’t Read Still End Up As The Men On Top? The Independent, Gender, And Achievement. Available at independent.co.uk/opinion/will-the-boys-who-cant-read-still-end-up-as-the-men-on-top-1136972.html . Warrington, M., Younger, M., 2000. â€Å"The Other Side of the Gender Gap†. Gender and Education, 12(4). pp. 493-50 White, J., 1990. Education and The Good Life: Beyond The National Curriculum. London: Kogan Page. Willis, P., 2003. Social Class Defines School Achievement. The Guardian. Available at guardian.co.uk/education/2003/apr/23/schools.uk5 . Willis, P., 1977. Learning To Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs.  Farnborough: Saxon House.

Case study and history of hypertension

Case study and history of hypertension History of Present Illness: Mr. AS is an 85 year old Caucasian male with a past history of hypertension and chest pain who currently presents to us with dementia and complaints of not knowing how he got here. Our patient was diagnosed with hypertension at the age of 40 and developed chest pain at the age of 45 when he was told he needed a pace maker. The pace maker was placed and he has had no heart complications since then. At the age of 55 our patient was diagnosed with dementia which he lived with independently at home until two years ago when he had a stroke. He was admitted to ALF on April 28, 2009 where he was told that he had a stroke and could not walk. Mr. AS has been staying at the facility since admission. Our patient currently denies any chest pain, headaches or vision changes. Mr. AS does complain of a cough that becomes productive at times with clear sputum. He stopped smoking 20 years ago and has a 160 pack year history. He also states that he thinks he hears himself wheezing at times. Mr. AS states that his legs don’t allow him to walk anymore and that the exercises that are done with the walker hurt his arms. He states that he has feeling in his legs but that movement is the problem. Mr. AS stated during the interview that he has accepted the fact that he will not be able to walk again and that he is content with his life as long as he can breathe and talk. Our patient also stated that he has problems remembering recent events and is better at remembering events that occurred during his childhood. Past Medical History: Hypertension at the age of 40 which is controlled with medication. Chest pain at the age of 45 which was fixed with the placement of a pacemaker. Dementia was diagnosed at the age of 55 Stroke at the age of 83 Appendectomy at the age of 10 due to an appendicitis Inguinal hernia repair at the age of 10 Current Medications Mirtazapine 15mg PO QD for depression Namenda 10mg PO Bid for treatment of alzheimer ’s symptoms Allopurinol 300mg PO QD for hyperuricemia Aspirin 81mg PO QD for general health and relief of minor pain Certavite antioxidant 18mg PO QD to prevent vitamin deficiency and undernutrion Loratadine 10mg PO QD for allergies Nifedipine 90mg PO QD for treatment of hypertension and angina Metoprolol tartrate 25mg PO QD for treatment of hypertension and angina Nasal decongestant 0.05% SP 2 sprays for each nostril Bid for allergies Omeprazole 20mg PO Bid for gastroesophageal reflux Aricept 10mg PO QD for dementia associated with alzheimer’s Tamsulosin HCl 0.4mg PO QD for benign prostatic hyperplasia Zolpidem Tartrate 5mg PO QD for help sleeping Acetaminopen 500mg PO every 6 hours for high temperature Allergies No known allergies Family History: Grandma had TB, patient could not remember cause or time of death and chart did not contain any information. Information about the mother and father could not be obtained by the patient or the c hart. Information about siblings could not be obtained by the patient or the chart. Patient states that he has one son who has back pain and is overweight. No other information could be provided by the patient or the chart. Patient states that he has no grandchildren Married twice and both deceased, cause unknown by patient and not stated in chart. Family members will need to be contacted to obtain more information on history of cancer, hypertension, heart disease, diabetes mellitus, or psychological illnesses. Social:

Analysis of Career Guidance Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Analysis of Career Guidance - Essay Example These culture-specific models help in mediating career development at local levels. (ATHANASOU et al 2008). The core conceptual propositions of two of the most famous theories of learning and vocational skills development have been evaluated as follows: The Theory of Work Adjustment or person-environment correspondence theory is a theory which focuses on the difference of vocational behavior amongst individuals. In accordance with the theory, career choice and its subsequent development are viewed as a continuous process of adjustment and accommodation. This theory implies that an individual chooses a job only if its environment is in accordance with his â€Å"requirements†, while on the other hand, the environment opts for that individual which qualifies on the â€Å"requirements† of the organization. The major plus point of TWA is the fact that it develops a battery of measures to measure the various variables associated with the theory such as satisfaction, needs, ab ilities, satisfactoriness, and indexes of correspondence. However, the results of various studies conducted to evaluate the accuracy of the theory yielded mixed results. The study of Tziner, Meir, and Segal (2002) found that higher levels of performance had a strong correlation with extroverted personality style and congruence which was in accordance with the predictions of TWA. ... (ATHANASOU et al 2008). The Holland’s Theory of Vocational Personalities in Work Environment provides a typology framework on career interest and environment which is simple and easy to understand and is used both in career counseling and guidance. In accordance with the theory, vocational interest is perceived as an expression of an individual’s personality. Holland postulated the concept of vocational interest by six typologies, which are Realistic, Investigative, Artistic, Social, Enterprising and Conventional. A study conducted by Tak (2004) revealed that the arrangement of interest was not clearly hexagonal, therefore, contrary to the postulations of Holland. The general findings of another study conducted by Sverko and Babarovic (2006) revealed consistency with Holland’s circular model. The general findings from other international studies suggested that in accordance with cultural context the six interest levels tend to occupy clusters mirroring the idiosy ncratic cultural values and occupational perceptions. The most suggested arrangement was Realistic-Investigative, Artistic-Social, and Social-Enterprising-Conventional. Such an arrangement is contrary to the hexagonal arrangement postulated by Holland. (ATHANASOU et al 2008). Continuous Professional Development: Continuous Professional Development is composed of diverse dimensions which are different for different institutions and professional individuals. Continuous Professional Development (CPD) is defined as: â€Å"The systematic maintenance, improvement and broadening of knowledge and skill, and the development of personal qualities necessary for the execution of professional and technical  duties throughout the practitioner’s working life† (LORRIMAN 2003, pg 2).

Cooperate Inquiry Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Cooperate Inquiry - Essay Example The total idea of cooperation inquiry is that research is made with people in contrast to traditional methods based on actions research made on people. The first step is in a research process is to find and formulate a feasible starting point. The main questions of the research are: What issue in practical experience is worth studying over a period of time Does it fit capabilities and do researchers have the resources Is there a fair chance researchers can get somewhere if they research this issue These are questions researchers needs to ask when beginning research. Cooperative inquiry begins with reflection upon such discrepancies and tries to save them from being forgotten in the maze of everyday work (Harwood 72). They become the focus for further development of the research process and for the generation of knowledge about that process. Such discrepancies need not always be negative and problematic for the researchers. Action research can also focus on trying out good ideas for improvements or on the further development of one's own strengths (Schon 43). Second step - action phase - is aimed to tests proposed actions and record expected outcomes. One possible way of testing our knowledge of a situation researchers want to improve and develop is to obtain additional information-perhaps by carrying out an observation or by interviewing other people involved. The whole inventory of data collection methods can be used for this purpose (Schratz and Walker 92). As researchers have seen, other people's views can provide starting points for our own reflection, helping to actuate tacit knowledge or to stimulate researchers to collect additional information. It is important to remain clear that such explanations are hypothetical, providing stimuli for research and development rather than replacing them. By introducing changes, trying out new actions, and observing their results, our view of the situation in which we find ourselves is often deepened. Researchers need to find a pattern in the complexities of the situation identified as the star ting point for research. First, researchers try to identify the most important individual elements of the situation, to distinguish them from less important elements, and describe them as vividly as possible. The main questions at this stage are: What is happening in this situation Which events, actions and features of the situation are important Which people are involved, and in what kind of activities (Smart 82). Phase three is a second action phase. When researchers formulate important individual elements of the practical theory, they should not restrict themselves to what happened, but also take account of the context. Cooperative inquiry does not take place in a laboratory in which the researcher controls most of the context. Their own actions are embedded in a framework of other people's interests and actions. Their research and development activities in turn have consequences for others. This stage usually involves people outside the group and the research (Reason. 2008). The aim of this stage is to generate new ideas and new experiences. The main questions at this stage are: Which other people are affected by my research and deve

Eeoc Paper Essay Example for Free

Eeoc Paper Essay The purpose of this paper is to go over a lawsuit that was filled by the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. The paper will cover who the EEOC (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission) is and their role in the lawsuit. It will go over whether or not the lawsuit promotes social change. The paper will also go over how the EEOC as well as other news groups released information about the case to the public. I will then give my take on how I would implement new strategies to make sure the problem does not come up in the workplace again. A description of the compliance issue that led to the lawsuit The lawsuit that I have chosen is about a company not hiring someone because of their race. Tyeastia Green sued Alliant Techsystems, Inc. (ATK) because they did not hire her due to her race. A recruiter for ATK initially told her that she had gotten the job, later ATK rejected her and hired a while male instead (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2012). A brief Summary of the functions of the EEOC According to U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (2012), the EEOC is responsible for enforcing federal laws that make it illegal to discriminate against a job applicant or an employee because of the person’s race, color, religion, sex (including pregnancy), national origin, age (40 or older), disability or genetic information† (Aerospace and Defense Manufacturer Rejected Applicant on Racial Grounds, Federal Agency Charged). The EEOC investigates charges of discrimination against employers who are covered by the law. Their role is the fairly and accurately assess the allegations in the charge and make a finding. The EEOC also works to prevent discrimination before it happens by offering education and technical assistance programs. The EEOC’s role in this lawsuit The EEOC’s role in the lawsuit was to find out whether or not the claim was valid. Once they decided that the claim was valid, they tried to settle the charge in a pre-litigation settlement. Since ATK did not want to settle, the EEOC filed a lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Minnesota (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2012). Whether or not this lawsuit promotes social change and reasons I do not believe that this lawsuit promotes social change. I believe this because I do not believe that this was a real discrimination due to Tyeastia Green’s race. According to Stych (2012), the recruiter asked her to take out her braids to appear more professional. Tyaestia did take out her braids but later put them back in before she got hired on. I believe that the company was not trying to discriminate against her. They asked her to do something to look more professional. The company does not have the right to tell her how she should wear her hair, but I do not believe they didn’t hire her because of her race. I think that they didn’t hire her because she didn’t comply with how they thought a profession person should look. A comparison of the EEOC press release to the news item The EEOC’s press release was not very informational. It did not give much detail on how the company discriminated against Tyeastia Green. The press release just said that ATK did not hire her because of her race. It also said that the company will pay $100,000 and furnish other relief to settle the race discrimination lawsuit filed by the EEOC (U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2012). The article written by Ed Stych for the Minneapolis/ St. Paul Business Journal went into more detail on what happened that lead to the lawsuit being filed. The article said that a recruiter asked Tyeastia to take out her braids to look more professional and that they set up an interview with the company’s information technology director and asked that she came to that interview the same way, without the braids (Stych, 2012). What accounts for the differences? I think that the reason they are different is because the EEOC has a privacy policy where they are not allowed to release certain information about the case. Other news groups on the other hand do not have a privacy policy. They write as much as they know in their articles. The Business Journal wanted the public to know why the lawsuit was filed and what lead up to the lawsuit. Strategies for ensuring inclusion in multicultural workplace If I was a senior manager at ATK, I would make sure that I specified how I believe the company’s image is displayed properly. I would make sure that everyone would be treated equally. I would make sure that all of the managers make everyone feel at home in the workplace. I would give classes to the managers and the recruiters on how to prevent discrimination in the workplace. I would also make sure that the recruiters learn how to talk to people without discriminating against them. Conclusion This paper has gone over the lawsuit that was filed by the EEOC. It also went over who the EEOC is and what their role is in the lawsuit. It also went over how the EEOC’s press release and the Minneapolis/ St. Paul Business Journal articles different. I have learned that employers need to watch what they say and be more specific on how they say things to people as well. I think that if the recruiter has just explained better on why they did not want her to have her braids, things might have gone a little better. If I was Tyeastia, I would have waited until after my final interview to put the braids back in. They asked her to take them out and she did, then they asked her to come looking just like that to the meeting with the information technology director and she didn’t. I think that both parties are at fault in this situation. References U.S. Equall Employment Opportunity Commission. (2012). Retrieved from http://www.eeoc.gov/eeoc/newsroom/release/11-27-12b.cfm Stych, E. (2012). Mineapolis St. Paul Business Journal. Retrieved from http://www.bizjournals.com/twincities/news/2011/09/29/atk-sued-eeoc-for-racial-discrimination.html

Stampfer and The Catharsis of King Lear Essay -- King Lear essays

Stampfer and The Catharsis of King Lear  Ã‚   At the end of King Lear, when the only characters left standing are Albany, Edgar, and Kent, is the audience supposed to come away from the play with any feeling other than remorse? This search for emotional release by the audience is one which J. Stampfer believes is the most profound problem in King Lear. The overriding critical problem in King Lear is that of its ending. The deaths of Lear and Cordelia confront us like a raw, fresh wound where our every instinct calls for healing and reconciliation. This problem, moreover, is as much one of philosophic order as of dramatic effect. In what sort of universe, we ask ourselves, can wasteful death follow suffering and torture? In his essay "The Catharsis of King Lear," Stampfer discusses sevearal readings of Lear’s death, proves them faulty, and, through analyzation of this and other Shakespearian texts, arrives at his own conclusion concerning Lear’s denouement and the audience’s reaction. The essay begins with Stampfer defining the relevance of Lear’s death to King Lear and the essay reader. Stampfer does not waste the time of the reader with an elaborate introduction. Instead, the first line defines the problem: The overriding critical problem in King Lear is that of its ending (361). Still in the first paragraph, he quotes the line from Lear that causes the interpretation problems, referring to it as Lear’s "desparing question" (361): Why should a dog, a horse, a rat have life, And thou no breath at all? (v,iii, 306-7) The rest of the paragraph discusses problems which, in Stampfer’s opinion, cannot be pushed aside, such as the source Shakespeare used to write King Lear, and the Christian referenc... ...ld, and abandons athiesm and attempts to save Lear and Cordelia. This creates a paradox for Stampfer: if characters such as Lear, Gloucester, and Edmund all go through some sort of awakening, why do they all die? Is there any justice in the universe? Stampfer examines Othello, Hamlet, and Romeo & Juliet, and concludes that in each of those tragedies, the play ends with the "reconciliation of the tragic hero and society" (371). Lear, in Stampfer’s opinion, is "the first tragedy in which the tragic hero dies unreconciled and indifferent to society" (371). So Stampfer finds it necessary to go over the plot of Lear again, and dervie what within the structure makes Lear different from the before mentioned plays, and attempt to find some sort of catharsis. Stampfer comes up with several key points. The first is Lear’s abandonment of everything he once knew.

Succubus Blues CHAPTER 8

Paige was all smiles when I went in for the early shift the next day. â€Å"Nice work with Seth Mortensen,† she told me, glancing up from the neatly stacked paperwork on her desk. The desk Doug and I shared in the store's back offices tended to look like an apocalyptic war zone. â€Å"How so?† â€Å"In convincing him to write here.† I blinked. With our assorted U District and Krystal Starz adventures, I'd never said a word about him becoming our resident writer. â€Å"Oh?† â€Å"I saw him upstairs in the cafe just now. He said he had a great time yesterday.† I left her office, baffled, wondering if I'd missed something from yesterday. It hadn't seemed like that stellar of an outing, but I supposed he felt pleased and grateful over the discounted books. Had anything else notable happened? Unbidden, the memory of touching Seth's hand suddenly rushed back to me, the odd shockwave of familiarity it had sent through me. No, I decided, that had been nothing. I had imagined the moment. I went up to the cafe for a mocha, still puzzled. Sure enough, Seth sat in a corner, laptop spread out on the table in front of him. He looked much the same as yesterday, save that his shirt today sported Beeker from the Muppets. His fingers moved furiously along the keys, his eyes locked on the screen. â€Å"Hey,† I told him. â€Å"Hey.† He offered no more. He didn't even look up. â€Å"Are you working?† â€Å"Yes.† I waited for elaboration, but it never came. So I kept going. â€Å"So, um, Paige told me you're moving here.† He didn't answer. I didn't even know if he'd heard me. Suddenly, he looked up, his eyes sharpening. â€Å"Ever been to Texas?† That took me by surprise. â€Å"Sure. Which part?† â€Å"Austin. I need to know what the weather's like there.† â€Å"When? This time of year?† â€Å"No†¦ more like spring or early summer.† I racked my brain. â€Å"Hot. Rain and storms. Some humidity. The edge of tornado alley, you know?† â€Å"Ah.† Seth turned thoughtful, then nodded smartly and returned his attention back down. † Cady'll love that. Thanks.† It took me a moment to realize he meant one of his characters. Nina Cady's dislike of inclement weather was notorious. My stomach suddenly dropped out of me and hit the floor. It was a wonder he didn't hear the thud. â€Å"Are you†¦ are you†¦ writing something with Cady and O'Neill? Right now?† â€Å"Yeah.† He spoke very casually, like we were still discussing weather. â€Å"Next book. Well, next-next book. The next one's already queued up for publishing. I'm about a quarter through this one.† I stared in awe at the laptop, like it was a divine golden idol from days of old, capable of performing miracles. Providing rain. Feeding the masses. Now I felt speechless. That the next masterpiece was being created right in front of me, that I might say something that could influence it was too much to bear. I swallowed heavily and dragged my eyes away from it, forcing calm. After all, I could hardly be excited about another installment when I had yet to read the current one. â€Å"A Cady and O'Neill book. Wow. That's really – â€Å" â€Å"Um, so, I'm kind of busy here. I've got to run with this right now. Sorry.† The words stopped me cold. â€Å"What?† Was I being dismissed? â€Å"Can we talk later?† I was being dismissed. I was being dismissed without even being looked at. Heat flushed my cheeks. â€Å"What about my book?† I blurted out ungracefully. â€Å"Huh?† â€Å"The Glasgow Pact. Did you sign it?† â€Å"Oh. That.† â€Å"What's that mean?† â€Å"I'll send you e-mail.† â€Å"You'll send me – so you don't have my book?† Seth shook his head and kept working. â€Å"Oh. Okay.† I didn't understand the e-mail bit but wasn't going to waste my time begging for his attention. â€Å"Well. I'll see you later then. Let us know if you need anything.† My voice was stiff and cold, but I doubted he even noticed. I tried not to storm downstairs. Where did he get off acting like that? Especially after I'd shown him around yesterday. Famous author or no, he didn't have the right to be a jerk to me. I felt humiliated. Humiliated over what, being ignored? chided a reasonable voice inside me. It's not like he made a scene. He was just busy. After all, you were the one complaining he didn't write fast enough. I ignored the voice and went back to work, still feeling put-out. Business didn't allow me to nurture my wounded ego for long, however, as the afternoon and lack of staff ensured I stayed busy on the floor. The next time I managed to return to my office, it was only to grab my purse at the end of my shift. As I was about to walk out, I saw a message from Seth in my e-mail's inbox. I moved to the computer and read. Georgina, Have you ever paid much attention to real estate agents – the way they dress, the kinds of cars they drive? Truth is stranger than fiction, as they say. Last night, I expressed interest in living in the University District to my brother, and he called up this real estate agent friend of his. She arrived in something like two minutes flat, no small feat I guess, since her office is in West Seattle. She pulled up in a Jaguar, whose shiny whiteness was rivaled only by the day-glow white of her Miss America smile. While gushing nonstop about how exciting it was to have me here, she hacked away at a computer, searching for appropriate residences, typing with nails long enough to impale small children on. (See? I remembered how much you liked the word â€Å"impale.†) Each time she found a place that might work, she'd get really excited: â€Å"Yes – yes. Oh yes! This is it! This is it! Yes! Yes!† I confess, by the time it was through, I felt kind of sleazy and exhausted, like maybe I should have tossed some cash on the pillow or something. Her theatrics aside, we did end up finding a nice condo not too far from campus, brand new. It was as pricey as you insinuated, but I think it's exactly what I want. Mistee – yes, that's her name – and I are going to look at it later tonight. I'm kind of afraid to see her reaction if I bid on the place. No doubt the thought of the commission will lead straight to multiple orgasms. (And to think, I always thought missionary position was what inhibited women from true fulfillment.) Anyway, I just wanted to give you the update since you were the one who first showed me the U District. I'm sorry I didn't get a chance to talk earlier; I would have liked to pick your brain about restaurants over there. I still don't know the area that well, and my brother and sister-in-law are too busy with their suburban life to recommend any restaurants that don't serve children's meals. Well, I guess I should get back to writing, so I can afford said new lodging. Cady and O'Neill are impatient mistresses – er, that is, an impatient mistress and master – as you observed earlier. Speaking of which, I haven't forgotten about your copy of The Glasgow Pact. I intended to write something semi-original in it last night, after our nice day together, but the real estate vortex caught me up. My apologies. I'll bring it to you soon. Later, Seth I reread the letter twice. I felt pretty confident that in the short span I'd known Seth, I'd never heard him utter aloud as many words as he'd just written. Not only that, they were funny words. Entertaining words. Like a mini Cady and O'Neill novel, addressed just to me. A far cry from his halting attitude this morning. If he'd said anything remotely comparable in person, I probably would have passed out. â€Å"Incredible,† I muttered to my screen. Part of me felt mollified by the letter, though another part felt he still could have been a bit more tactful in his earlier treatment, busy or no. The rest of me pointed out that all of these â€Å"parts of me† probably should be in therapy, and besides, I really needed to leave and go see Erik about the vampire hunter thing. I quickly sent back a response: Thanks for the letter. I suppose I'll make it another day without the book. Good luck with the real estate agent, and be sure to wear a condom when you make an offer. Other good places to eat in that area are Han & Sons, the Plum Tomato Cafe, and Lotus Chinese. – Georgina I left the store, promptly forgetting about Seth, happy there'd be no traffic this early in the day. Driving up to Lake City, I easily found the intersection the girl at Krystal Starz had indicated. Locating the store itself proved more of a challenge. Strip malls and assorted businesses packed the area, and I read through myriad billboards and storefronts in the hopes of finding something promising. Finally, I spotted a small, dark sign tucked away in the corner of a less-frequented cluster of stores, arcana, ltd. That had to be it. I parked in front, hoping it was actually open. No one had posted hours or anything on the door, but it gave way without resistance when I pushed on it. Sandalwood incense burned in the air around me as I entered, and faint harp music played from a small CD player set up on the counter. I couldn't see anyone else in the room, and so I wandered around, admiring the sights. Real books on mythology and religion – not the flashy fluff Krystal Starz sold – lined the walls, and carefully arranged display cases held handcrafted jewelry I recognized from a few different local artists. Assorted ritual items – candles, incense, and statuary – filled in the nooks and crannies, giving the whole place a sort of jumbled, pleasantly lived-in feel. â€Å"Miss Kincaid. It is an honor to see you again.† I spun around from where I had been admiring a White Tara statue. Erik walked into the room, and I reined in my surprise at his appearance. When had he grown so old? He had been old the last time I saw him – dark skin wrinkled, hair gone gray – but I did not remember the slight stoop in his walk, or the hollowed look around his eyes. I tried to remember the last time we'd talked; I hadn't thought it'd been that long. Five years? Ten? With mortals, it was easy to lose track. â€Å"It's good to see you too. You aren't easy to find anymore. I had to go poking around Krystal Starz to figure out what happened to you.† â€Å"Ah. I hope the experience wasn't too†¦ awkward.† â€Å"Nothing I couldn't handle. Besides, I'm glad you got out of there.† I looked around at the cluttered, dimly lit shop. â€Å"I like this new place.† â€Å"It's not much – doesn't bring in much either – but it's mine. It's what I've been saving for, where I'll spend my last years.† I grimaced. â€Å"Don't turn melodramatic on me now. You aren't that old.† His smile broadened, his expression turning slightly wry. â€Å"Neither are you, Miss Kincaid. Indeed, you are as beautiful as the first time I saw you.† He gave me a slight bow, bending lower than someone with his back probably should have. â€Å"How may I be of service?† â€Å"I need information.† â€Å"Of course.† He gestured to a small table near the main counter, currently covered with books and an elaborate candle holder. â€Å"Sit and have tea with me, and we'll talk. Unless you are in a hurry?† â€Å"No, I have time.† While Erik fetched the tea, I cleared off the table, setting books in neat stacks on the floor. When he returned with the teapot, we made small talk and sipped our drinks for a bit, but my mind really wasn't into it. My restlessness must have come through loud and clear as my fingers danced along the cup's edge and my toe tapped impatiently. Finally, I broached my topic. â€Å"I need to know about vampire hunters.† For most other people, this would have been a weird request, but Erik only nodded expectantly. â€Å"What in particular would you like to know?† â€Å"Anything. Their habits, how to recognize them. Whatever you've got.† He leaned back in his chair, holding the cup delicately. â€Å"My understanding is that vampire hunters are born, not made. They are ‘gifted,' so to speak, with the ability to kill vampires.† He proceeded to relate several other details, most of which matched up with what I'd learned from Peter. Pondering what Cody had said, about the sense of being followed by someone he could not see, I asked, â€Å"Do they have any other special abilities that you know of? Can they go invisible?† â€Å"Not that I know of. Some immortal beings can, of course, but not vampire hunters. They're still just mortals, after all, despite their odd talents.† I nodded, being one such creature who could turn invisible, though I rarely used the power. I toyed with the thought that Cody's phantom might have been an invisible immortal, trying to play a trick, but he still should have sensed the telltale signature we all carried. Indeed, he should have sensed a mortal vampire hunter as well. The fact that he had neither seen nor felt anything lent credence to Peter's theory that the stalker had all been in Cody's head. â€Å"Can vampire hunters harm anyone else? Demons†¦ or other immortal creatures?† â€Å"It's very hard to do anything tangible to an immortal,† he mused. â€Å"Certain denizens of good – powerful priests, for example – can drive off demons, but they can't harm them permanently. Likewise, I've heard of mortals capturing supernatural creatures, but doing much more than that†¦ I'm not saying it's impossible, just that I've never heard of it. To my offhand knowledge, vampire hunters can only harm vampires. Nothing else.† â€Å"I value your offhand knowledge more than most confirmed facts.† He eyed me curiously. â€Å"But this isn't the answer you were expecting.† â€Å"I don't know. It's pretty much what I've already been told. I was just thinking there might be more.† It was entirely possible that Jerome had been telling the truth, that this was merely a case of a rampant vampire hunter and that his warnings to Hugh and me had been simple courtesies to protect us from discomfort. Still, I couldn't shake the feeling that Jerome had held back information, nor did I really believe Cody to be the kind of person who imagined things. I must have looked perplexed because Erik offered, somewhat hesitantly it seemed, â€Å"I could look into this more for you, if you'd like. Just because I've never heard of something capable of harming other immortals doesn't mean it's out of the realm of existence.† I nodded. â€Å"I'd appreciate that. Thank you.† â€Å"It's a privilege to be of assistance to someone like you. And if you like, I could also make other inquiries into vampire hunters in general.† He paused again, choosing his words carefully. â€Å"Were such a person to be at large, certain signs would show up in the local occult community. Supplies would be bought, questions asked. Such beings do not go unnoticed.† Now I hesitated. Jerome had told us to be careful. I had the feeling he wouldn't appreciate any vigilante work, though speaking with Erik now probably counted as exactly that. Surely it wouldn't matter if I sent out my own feelers. Gathering information was not the same as me personally going out to find this person. â€Å"I'd appreciate that as well. Anything you could find out would be useful.† I finished the last of my tea and set the empty cup down. â€Å"I should probably leave now.† He rose with me. â€Å"Thank you for having tea with me.. Being with a woman like you is generally the sort of thing that only happens in a man's dreams.† I laughed gently at the veiled joke, referencing the old story of succubi visiting men in their sleep. â€Å"Your dreams are safe, Erik.† He returned my smile. â€Å"Come back in a few days, and I'll tell you what I've learned. We'll have tea again.† Glancing around at the empty store, thinking how no customers had shown up during our visit, I suddenly felt the need to give him some business. â€Å"Let me buy some of that tea before I go.† He gave me an indulgent look, his dark brown eyes amused like he knew the game I played. â€Å"I always took you for more of a black tea advocate – or at least an admirer of caffeine.† â€Å"Hey, even I like to shake things up once in a while. Besides, it was good†¦ in an herbal, decaffeinated sort of way.† â€Å"I'll pass your compliments on to my friend. She makes the blends, and I sell them for her.† â€Å"A lady friend, huh?† â€Å"Just a friend, Miss Kincaid.† He walked over to a shelf behind the register where several varieties of tea lay. Approaching the counter to pay, I admired some of the jewelry under its glass. One piece in particular caught my eye, a three-stranded choker of peach-colored, freshwater pearls, occasionally intermixed with copper beads or pieces of sea green glass. An ankh made of copper hung as its centerpiece. â€Å"Is this from another of your local artisans?† â€Å"An old friend in Tacoma made it.† Erik reached into the case and took the choker out for me, laying it on the counter. I ran my hands over the fine, smooth pearls, each one slightly irregular in shape. â€Å"He mixed some Egyptian influence in with it, I think, but he wanted to sort of invoke the spirit of Aphrodite and the sea, create something the ancient priestesses might have worn.† â€Å"They wore nothing so fine,† I murmured, turning over the necklace, noting the high price on its tag. I found myself speaking without conscious thought. â€Å"And many of the ancient Greek cities did have Egyptian influence. Ankhs appeared on Cyprian coins, as did Aphrodite.† Touching the copper of the ankh reminded me of another necklace, a necklace long since lost under the dust of time. That necklace had been simpler: only a string of beads etched with tiny ankhs. But my husband had brought it to me the morning of our wedding, sneaking up to our house just after dawn in a gesture uncharacteristically bold for him. I had chastised him for the indiscretion. â€Å"What are you doing? You're going to see me this afternoon†¦ and then every day after that!† â€Å"I had to give you these before the wedding.† He held up the string of beads. â€Å"They were my mother's. I want you to have them, to wear them today.† He leaned forward, placing the beads around my neck. As his fingers brushed my skin, I felt something warm and tingly run through my body. At the tender age of fifteen, I hadn't exactly understood such sensations, though I was eager to explore them. My wiser self today recognized them as the early stirrings of lust, and†¦ well, there had been something else there too. Something else that I still didn't quite comprehend. An electric connection, a feeling that we were bound into something bigger than ourselves. That our being together was inevitable. â€Å"There,† he'd said, once the beads were secure and my hair brushed back into place. â€Å"Perfect.† He said nothing else after that. He didn't need to. His eyes told me all I needed to know, and I shivered. Until Kyriakos, no man had ever given me a second glance. I was Marthanes ‘ too-tall daughter after all, the one with the sharp tongue who didn't think before speaking. (Shape-shifting would eventually take care of one of those problems but not the other.) But Kyriakos had always listened to me and watched me like I was someone more, someone tempting and desirable, like the beautiful priestesses of Aphrodite who still carried on their rituals away from the Christian priests. I wanted him to touch me then, not realizing just how much until I caught his hand suddenly and unexpectedly. Taking it, I placed it around my waist and pulled him to me. His eyes widened in surprise, but he didn't pull back. We were almost the same height, making it easy for his mouth to seek mine out in a crushing kiss. I leaned against the warm stone wall behind me so that I was pressed between it and him. I could feel every part of his body against mine, but we still weren't close enough. Not nearly enough. Our kissing grew more ardent, as though our lips alone might close whatever aching distance lay between us. I moved his hand again, this time to push up my skirt along the side of one leg. His hand stroked the smooth flesh there and, without further urging, slid over to my inner thigh. I arched my lower body toward his, nearly writhing against him now, needing him to touch me everywhere. â€Å"Letha? Where are you at?† My sister's voice carried over the wind; she wasn't nearby but was close enough to be here soon. Kyriakos and I broke apart, both gasping, pulses racing. He was looking at me like he'd never seen me before. Heat burned in his gaze. â€Å"Have you ever been with anyone before?† he asked won- deringly. I shook my head. â€Å"How did you†¦ I never imagined you doing that†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"I learn fast.† He grinned and pressed my hand to his lips. â€Å"Tonight,† he breathed. â€Å"Tonight we†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"Tonight,† I agreed. He backed away then, eyes still smoldering. â€Å"I love you. You are my life.† â€Å"I love you too.† I smiled and watched him ago. A minute later, I heard my sister again. â€Å"Letha?† â€Å"Miss Kincaid?† Erik's voice snapped me out of the memory, and suddenly I was back in his store, away from my family's long-since crumbled home. I met his questioning eyes and held up the necklace. â€Å"I'll take this too.† â€Å"Miss Kincaid,† he said uncertainly, fingering the price tag. â€Å"The help I give you†¦ there's no need†¦ no cost†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"I know,† I assured him. â€Å"I know. Just add this to my bill. And ask your friend if he can make matching earrings.† I left the store wearing the choker, still thinking about that morning, what it had been like to be touched for the first time, touched only by someone I loved. I exhaled carefully and put it from my mind. Just like I had countless other times.

International Contracts Essay

The present research endeavours to situate international contracts within the context of international dealings transnational construction parties. It is hoped that the results will show the prevalence of international contracts in the business as well as the role which they play in concluding deals. Previous research (See Appendix 1) conducted in this field has shown that construction contracts are indeed accomplished between international companies. However, the precise role that international contracts as legal documents have on the relations between a construction company and a foreign client have not been studied before. That is the difference that this present research will make given the nuances which set apart construction contracts from international contracts per se. Research Methodology In this research, some of the research questions to be addressed and answered are: 1.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   What is the role of international constructs in the finalization of international business deals? 2.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   What is the role of international contracts in a globalized industry? 3.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   What is the relationship of international laws with the accomplishment of international contracts? 4.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   What effect if any do cultural differences introduce to the finalization of international contracts? 5.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   How effective are joint ventures in the world market? These questions will be answered through the collection of data from international contractors through the means of distributing questionnaires (See Appendix 2). The questionnaire answers provide a sufficient view of the business dealings of the research participants. Because of the specificity of the questionnaire items, the researcher will be able to derive many of the answers to the above-mentioned research questions. Moreover, given the hectic schedules of the research participants, the brief questionnaire will ensure the participation of more companies. This will enlarge the scope of the data gathered. Since the participants are assured of anonymity when answering, there is an increased likelihood of obtaining reliable answers. Furthermore, the open-ended nature of the questions and the fact that the personal corporate details of the participant companies are not inquired into also support the validity of the responses to be collated. The process is designed to be non-threatening and non-cumbersome to the participant to increase the likelihood of participation. A qualitative textual analysis of the questionnaire will then be conducted by the researcher. The rating and fixed-choice questions will be tallied while the open-ended questions will be analysed through the codification and categorization of answers given. The manner of coding determines greatly the internal validity and reliability of the findings. The representation of the participants on the other hand determines the external validity. The former concern stresses the importance of academic discipline on the part of the researcher while the latter concern is assured by the number of participants that may be encouraged to join due to the simplicity of the process. This research is a stand-alone project. Although it may be extended to further understand international contracts, the research questions focused on in this study are already answered by the questionnaire items. Further, the entire goal and purpose of the research has already been addressed by the particular research questions. Research Participants In this study construction companies will be approached and contacted for participation in the study. Only construction companies who have dealt with international clients during the last year will be asked to participate. The construction companies to be included are not limited to those found in the researcher’s city of residence to ensure increased generalizability of data. No less than fifteen participant companies will be deemed sufficient for the accomplishment of the survey. The researcher will contact companies by reaching their representatives by phone, by electronic mail, or other web-based interaction mechanisms that the company might provide. The researcher will utilize company advertisements and websites to draw up a list of potential participants. The personal communication with the companies will provide the researcher with a greater opportunity to inform the companies of the nature of the study. Initial consent by the companies will be followed by the researcher’s sending of the questionnaire with the attached consent form (See Appendix 4). The questionnaire will also be accompanied with instructions for the answered questionnaire and the accomplished consent form to be sent back to the researcher not later than one week after receipt. Accomplished questionnaires returned without the consent form will not be invalidated as the mere return and completion are badges of consent. In order to ensure that there is no researcher bias when codifying the responses, the name, position and organization of the respondents will be listed down on a separate sheet along with an assigned questionnaire number to be designated to that particular questionnaire. The name, position and organization of the respondent will then be blotted out so that the researcher is able to codify the responses without being biased by the identity of the respondent or the organization. The master list of names and questionnaire numbers will remain sealed until the final analysis of the results. To further ensure confidentiality, the questionnaire responses will be made available only to the researcher and to the supervising instructor. Both persons shall use the responses only for the purpose of this present study. Any application of the present results to future studies requires the consent of the participants in the present study. Research Data and Results The research results will be recorded through the printing out of any questionnaires submitted via webmail. Those questionnaires that were manually accomplished will serve as records of the answers indicated therein. As has been previously indicated, the name, position and organization of the respondents will be blacked out of the actual forms. The master list containing the names of the respondents will also be altered after the researcher has made a final report of the conclusions of the research. Upon the conclusion of the research, a new master list will be made and the names of the respondents stricken out from the new list. This master list along with the questionnaires and consent forms duly assigned questionnaire numbers, will be stored in a locker found in the researcher’s private residence. The storage will be secured for a period not less than five years. Only the researcher and the research supervising instructor will be allowed access to the data. But this access will only be for the purpose of assessing the findings of the present study. Any electronic submissions will be deleted. Finally, ownership of the data and findings will redound to the researcher alone. Any report, reproduction or publication of the findings or any utilization and accessing of the data must therefore be with the consent of the researcher.